Insidious version of Donald Trump

 

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Donald Trump really wants to make American great again — but first, he’s trying to make us afraid.

During his acceptance speech Thursday night, the Republican nominee for president (not “presumptive” anymore — as in, we’re actually doing this) cast himself as the savior of a nation beset by crime, undeterred foreign threats and spineless leadership. And then he achieved it not using the trademark unsubtlety and braggadocio that carried him to the convention, but alternatively using language blunted just adequate to make his frightening vision acceptable to voters.

 

Read more at: Opinion: A scarier, more insidious version of Donald Trump (n.d.) http://www.latimes.com/opinion/readersreact/la-ol-opinion-newsletter-donald-trump-republican-nominee-20160723-snap-htmlstory.html

Trump vs. the GOP (redux)

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Republicans are making the effort to embrace Donald Trump, but he is not so it is easy. Just a couple weeks just before the party tactics to coronate Trump as its 2016 standard-bearer along at the Republican National Convention in Cleveland, the presumptive nominee is staying up the infighting that has troubled the GOP’s establishment for months.

During the past 48 hours, Trump has abandoned decades of conservative orthodoxy on trade, launched into a battle using the GOP’s traditional business lobby allies and campaign financiers — like the Chamber of Commerce — and slammed his former Republican presidential rivals who have not endorsed him, saying their political careers should be over.

“They broke their word also in my view; they must never be permitted to run for public office again because exactly what did was disgraceful,” Trump said in Bangor, Maine, Wednesday, observing figures like Florida Gov. Jeb Bush, Texas Sen. Ted Cruz and Ohio Gov. John Kasich, who signed a pledge to strengthen the GOP nominee but have still to endorse him Kasich, due to his part, on Wednesday, released a note on his campaign fundraising list highlighting a poll showing him faring better on the list of the general election than Trump.

Author Resource Box CNN || Trump vs. the GOP (redux). (n.d.). Retrieved from http://m.cnn.com/politics/2016/06/30/trump-vs-the-gop-redux

Why the new Trump University documents give Democrats exactly the weapon meets the necessary needs

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Three months ago, Marco Rubio tried to utilize story of Trump University to trim down down his primary rival. “He’s hoping to give to the American people what he did to those in this particular course,” Rubio said within a debate, setting about to turn how it is into your metaphor for the complete Trump candidacy. “He’s attempting to con people into giving him their vote identical to he conned these people into giving him their money.” But as you can possibly recall, it didn’t work Trump kept rolling, right over Rubio and right to the Republican nomination.
However as you read this, there’s probably a focus group in progress somewhere, in which undecided voters are shown documents from the originial and Trump University lawsuit and prized their reaction while Democratic pollsters and media consultants watch eagerly from behind one-way glass, convinced this is the attack which Trump cannot recover. And they might not be wrong.
What changed? The vague and somewhat abstract became concrete, by using documents typically from class-action lawsuit against Trump, in which former marks pardon me, students of Trump U are suing the Republican standard-bearer for fraud. Now that your fax have been publicly released, instead of general characterizations of what happened there, we’ve former employees testifying on how these were instructed to encourage the students to reach the limit on their cards, how they ordered students’ desperation (“is it a single parent of three children that may need money for food?”) being a tool to manipulate them into making ever-larger purchases of a given supposedly life-changing seminars, or the way Trump U salesman was reprimanded after he failed to push a struggling couple to subscribe a $35,000 package because he knew they couldn’t afford it (unfortunately to them, another salesman stepped in and closed the sale).
Any political consultant can tell you that if you want to say your opponent lied or call him a hypocrite, it’s much more effective if by chance you have got his actual words and it’s more appropriate if they’re on tape. The better concrete the evidence, the harder it is to pay no attention to or explain away. That’s what these Trump University documents do: not just recast this specific tale, but allow Democrats to make it a metaphor for Trump’s candidacy, really as Rubio tried without success to perform.
Trump’s wealth has represented numerous factors to voters until the now. To lots of people of his supporters, his plane and resorts and spectacularly gold-plated apartment (done within a method we might call Late Russian Mobster) represent success, proof of Trump’s competence and skill. To lots of people others, his wealth represents Trump’s shallow and classless venality. Except for the most part, until recently finally it was essentially harmless and amusing. That’s as opposed into the last person the Republicans nominated for president, who appeared to actually be apologizing for their wealth the single last thing Trump will ever do.
Democrats successfully convinced voters that Mitt Romney was obviously a heartless corporate raider who may step over his own mother to help make another million. They had several grounds on which in order to make that case, but none was as powerful as the stories of people that were released using a company Romney’s Bain Capital had bought. In a single devastating super PAC ad, a worker in an Indiana factory told how he and his awesome coworkers were instructed to create stage within their plant; the stage was then mounted by executives who told the gathered workers which the plant was closing and they were all going to lose their jobs. “Seems that whenever we built that stage, it was actually like building my own coffin,” said a male in the ad.
But Trump’s wealth had never appeared to come at anyone’s expense. Sure, you might think Trump Tower serves as a monument to ’80s garishness, but no one’s pushed to purchase a place to rent there. Trump Steaks may well have been a joke, but at worst you are possibly one of the tiny number of people who bought some on a holiday to Sharper Image, ate them, and chose not to really become a repeat customer. Victims were few and far between.
That is actually, until Trump University. Now Democrats can say that just not only is Trump a fraud, he’s a con artist who destroys people’s lives as a way to buy himself a new hair weave. That recasts Trump’s wealth, that have always been his primary qualification for office. The absurd notion that is President Donald Trump rests on the notion that being a successful businessman, he is very good at get things done and create things work. It’s surprisingly hard to believe if you really associate him less with titans of industry and a lot more using the guys running three-card-monte games within the shadow of 1 of his buildings.
All that isn’t to claim that the emerging attack on Trump U is guaranteed to work. Even if Democrats decide to allow it to be the centerpiece of their own campaign against Trump, it’ll be only one piece of an incredibly complicated puzzle. But considering that they usually have a vivid, concrete method to make the case, its probabilities of success are very high.

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Trump’s national movement

Donald Trump calls his presidential campaign a mass movement, but he must show they can coax enough support from voters who twice delivered the White House to Barack Obama.

The billionaire businessman depended almost exclusively on conservative and GOP-leaning whites — a lot of them men — to secure the . Now he must look forward to a wider, more diverse voting population in his likely general election matchup with Democratic front-runner Hillary Clinton.

His capacity to seize on marginal shifts during the electorate may see whether they can pull off a victory once unthinkable. Trump’s task is crucial to flipping back in the GOP column several of the most contested states that Obama won twice.

This challenge could very well be most evident in Florida, a culturally, racially and ideologically varied state where Obama defeated Republican Mitt Romney four years ago by less than 75,000 votes away from more than 8.4 million cast.

This means small shifts anywhere in the electorate could make a difference — from turnout changes among white small-town and rural Republicans or urban, nonwhite Democrats to partisans, embittered by contentious nominating bouts, choosing third-party candidates or declining to vote after all; of course Trump can’t close the gaps in Florida, he has got little shot at winning key Rust Belt and Great Lakes states where Obama’s advantages were greater.

“We still elect presidents utilising the Electoral College … dependent on states which are made up of diverse electorates,” cautions GOP pollster Whit Ayres. “There aren’t enough angry white individuals to create a big part within the new America of 2016, (and) running up your numbers with white males in Mississippi does not get you yet another electoral vote than Mitt Romney.”

Certainly one of Trump’s vanquished primary rivals, Sen. Marco Rubio, told reporters this week Trump can win Florida, that has gone because of the winner in most presidential contest since 1996, provided that they can “continue to become Donald.” That brash outsider pitch has sewn up support from white men like Jack Oliver, a 66-year-old construction worker from West Palm Beach and 84-year-old Frank Papa, a retired grocery manager from Clearwater.

The online world of Things (IoT) has got the potential to resolve our biggest global challenges and bring people everywhere an even better standard of living.
Oliver cites Trump’s hard line on immigration and calls him a leader “who will finally give a damn about people just like me.” Papa, an innovative new Jersey native, says Trump “speaks my language, talks and thinks anything like me.”

But Trump must expand his reach. “If he can’t unify Republicans, there in fact isn’t enough votes for him in order to make up elsewhere,” said Steve Schale, who ran Obama’s 2008 campaign in Florida. He said Florida elections have already been close for a long time, noting 41 million combined presidential votes have now been cast since 1992, with less than 131,000 votes separating the combined totals of Democratic and Republican nominees.

Trump gives lip service into the electorate’s diversity, suggesting “the Mexican people” will “vote for me personally like crazy” and therefore he can win 25 % of African-Americans. The best wide range of African-Americans won by any GOP nominee since 1980 is mostly about 12 percent. He said recently he could lure “40 percent” of voters backing Clinton’s primary opponent, Bernie Sanders.

Some nonwhite Floridians mock Trump’s claims about his or her own appeal.

“I haven’t heard any one of my (black) friends say they’ll vote for Trump,” said Tanisha Winns, 39, a black Democrat in Lakeland, located along central Florida’s Interstate 4 corridor that twice helped give Republican George W. Bush the statewide victory before swinging in Obama’s favor. “If anything, I’m hearing my white friends say they won’t,” Winns added.

For the time being, Florida polls suggest Trump and Clinton are running about even, with about 15 percent undecided. But you will find variables which should give Trump pause.

In 2012, nonwhites accounted for nearly a 3rd of most votes cast in Florida, in comparison to 28 percent nationwide. But population growth, driven by Hispanics, suggests both numbers could possibly be higher come November.

Obama beat Romney among Florida’s black voters, with 95 percent. The president won Hispanics by a 60-40 margin, closer than his 71-27 advantage nationally, with numerous of Florida’s conservative Cuban-American voters accounting for any difference. Those numbers still left Romney too reliant on whites. He managed 61 percent of Florida’s white vote — much better than his 59 percent nationally — but he needed seriously to get nearer to 63 percent to win the Sunshine State’s 29 electoral votes.
Demographers and pollsters from both parties say Trump likely would need to push to the mid- to high-60s with whites — an even no candidate has reached since Ronald Reagan’s 1984 landslide — to have the possibility nationally. That’s even more daunting considering an AP-GfK poll, taken in April, that found two out of three white women view Trump negatively.

One of them are Republicans the nominee absolutely must get.

In Clearwater, Republican Barbie Sugas says she’s always voted for any GOP nominee, however the 47-year-old surgical technician said she’s “kind of leaning toward Clinton” because she does not “trust Trump” with international affairs.

To be certain, Clinton also must shore up her Democratic base, still divided with Sanders within the race. Jennifer Perelman, a Sanders supporter, says she won’t back the previous secretary of state. But she won’t vote for Trump either. Her plan: to vote for Sanders as a write-in candidate.

Ayres, the Republican pollster, affirmed that it is “not impossible” for Trump to fashion a fantastic coalition. But, he says, “You’re basically arguing that somehow, a consistent 20-year-plus demographic trend is merely planning to magically stop.”

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